During the television broadcast from Fort Worth, just three hours before the assassination of President Kennedy, viewers could hear reporter Ed Herlihy say:

”As long as the Secret Service can keep the crowd away from the President, they have a good chance of protecting him. But once he moves into the crowd, they are almost incapable of protecting him.”¹

Then something interesting happened.

After a pause of a few seconds, the reporter suddenly began reading from a script and recounting how President William McKinley was assassinated at the Pan-American Exposition in Buffalo on September 6, 1901, after being shot twice.

The assassin was described as a lone, mentally disturbed anarchist named Leon Frank Czolgosz.

Only a few hours after the Fort Worth broadcast in Dallas in 1963, news broke that President Kennedy had been killed by two gunshots. Shortly thereafter, it was announced that the culprit was a lone, deranged communist named Lee Harvey Oswald—referred to by some as Leon.²

Fifteen minutes after the shots were fired in Dallas, the telephone rang at Bobby Kennedy’s home in Hickory Hill. He had just finished lunch with District Attorney Robert Morgenthau and Chief of Detectives Silvio Mollo and was preparing to leave for work when his wife, Ethel, called out that Hoover was on the line. Bobby immediately realized it must be important—Hoover never called him at home.

”I have some news for you,” the FBI Director explained. ”The President has been shot.”

Bobby felt his legs nearly give way beneath him.

”How bad is it?” he stammered.

”I think it’s serious,” Hoover replied. ”I’m trying to get more details. I’ll call you back when I know more.”³

Ethel could see that something was wrong and immediately embraced her husband.

”Jack has been shot in Dallas,” Bobby gasped. ”It could be fatal.”⁴

Bobby’s first thought was to fly to Texas to be with his brother. After an unsuccessful attempt to reach JFK’s close aide Kenny O’Donnell at Parkland Hospital, he was informed that the President was unconscious.

Bobby then managed to contact Secret Service agent Clint Hill and asked him to check whether anyone had arranged for a priest.

Twenty minutes later, Hoover called again.

”The President is dead,” he announced flatly before hanging up.

”It sounded like he enjoyed it,” Bobby later remarked.⁵

The accusation may not have been entirely unfounded. According to Lyndon Johnson aide Bobby Baker, Hoover despised both Kennedy brothers. Former FBI Assistant Director William Sullivan later stated that it was common knowledge among agents that the two people Hoover hated most in the world were Bobby Kennedy and Martin Luther King Jr., with Bobby occupying first place.⁶

Bobby now telephoned the CIA and asked its director, John McCone, to come over.

”Did your crowd have anything to do with this atrocity?”⁷

Bobby reportedly snapped at the official who answered the call.

When McCone arrived shortly afterward, the question was repeated. McCone assured him that the CIA had nothing to do with the assassination, but Bobby was not satisfied. According to his own account, he questioned McCone in such a way that he could not have lied. This has led some to speculate that Bobby may have asked McCone to swear on his Catholic faith that he was telling the truth.

Less than an hour after the shots were fired in Dallas, Hoover wrote a memorandum to senior FBI officials Clyde Tolson and Allan Belmont. In it, he reported on a conversation he had had with Secret Service Director James Rowley regarding who might have been behind the assassination.

Later that same day, Hoover drafted another memorandum in which he summarized information he had received about Oswald, as well as conversations he had held with the Attorney General.

Interestingly, Hoover noted in this memorandum that the FBI had received tips suggesting that more people than Oswald might have been involved, and that he had instructed his agents in Dallas to participate in the interrogation of the suspect.

That was as far as the FBI ever went in terms of an objective assessment. Shortly thereafter, Hoover had concluded that Oswald alone was responsible for the assassination, without seriously considering alternative leads. This was a departure from the way FBI investigations were normally conducted.

Hoover knew there was more behind the assassination than he let on, according to the author, and claims that this can be demonstrated.

Oil magnate Billy Byars of Dallas was one of Hoover’s closest friends. During the summer of 1964, when the FBI director attended a dinner at Byars’s home, Byars’s son was also present. When the younger Byars asked Hoover whether he truly believed that Oswald was responsible for President Kennedy’s murder, Hoover paused for a long moment before giving a surprising reply:

”If I told you what I really know, it would be very dangerous for this country. Our whole political system could be disrupted.”⁸

Given that by that time it was widely accepted that the sole person responsible for the assassination was the ”lone madman” Lee Harvey Oswald, one can understand why Hoover’s remark suggested that he knew something else.

It is often correctly said that if one wants to determine whether a conspiracy lay behind an assassination—especially when a head of state has been killed—there are two primary questions that must always be examined:

1. Who stood to gain the most from the assassination?

2. Who was responsible for the victim’s security?

We will return to the first question later, but let us first examine the security arrangements surrounding JFK’s visit to Dallas.

The person primarily responsible within the Secret Service was Gerald Behn, the most experienced member of Kennedy’s Secret Service detail and the man who normally sat in the front seat during presidential trips.

However, in connection with the Texas trip, he took his first full vacation in three years.⁹

When Behn was unavailable, his deputy, Special Agent Floyd Boring, was supposed to take his place. However, contrary to normal practice, Boring was also off duty during those days. As a result, Roy Kellerman became the acting supervisor. Kellerman was seated beside driver William Greer in Kennedy’s limousine and, according to the author, did very little during the shooting itself.

In addition to Behn and Boring being on vacation, eleven experienced Secret Service agents had requested transfers shortly before the Dallas trip. Furthermore, five weeks before the visit, one of Kennedy’s drivers, Tom Shipman, had died of a heart attack at the age of just 51.¹⁰

As a result, nearly one-third of the agents who normally accompanied Kennedy on his trips were not present in Dallas. This was despite the fact that the President was traveling to one of the most politically hostile states in the country.

Several of the replacement agents had also, contrary to Secret Service regulations, spent the night before November 22 at a nightclub drinking alcohol. Some reportedly remained there until 3:00 a.m., and one until 5:00 a.m., despite the fact that their shift began at 8:00 a.m.

The official primarily responsible for planning the security arrangements in Dallas was Winston G. Lawson of the Washington Secret Service office, who, together with Floyd Boring, was responsible for the presidential motorcade route through the city.

Curiously, Dallas Police Chief Jesse Curry considered the security arrangements to be adequate—except for the section along Elm Street, the location where the assassination occurred.

Curry also pointed out that neither the Secret Service nor the FBI had requested assistance in identifying possible conspirators, and that the FBI had not shared information about Oswald prior to the assassination.

Given that Texas was widely regarded as hostile territory for Democrats in general and for Kennedy in particular, one would naturally have expected extra precautions to be taken before such a trip. In addition, there were plenty of organized-crime figures, oil millionaires, and various right-wing extremists who strongly disliked JFK.

One of the first things that becomes apparent when studying the route taken by the presidential motorcade is that the vehicles were required to make a 120-degree turn at the corner of Houston Street and Elm Street in Dealey Plaza. This maneuver drastically slowed the presidential limousine beside the seven-story Texas School Book Depository, with the Dal-Tex Building in the background and a sloping grassy knoll with a wall and fence in front of it.

Furthermore, no measures appear to have been taken to secure the windows of the buildings along Elm Street.

Senator Ralph Yarborough, who was riding in Vice President Johnson’s car immediately behind Kennedy’s vehicle and accompanied by Secret Service agents, stated in his testimony that the Secret Service personnel seemed to react very slowly. He expressed surprise at the lack of an immediate response when the rifle fire began.

In the Zapruder film of the assassination, one can clearly see driver William Greer turn around and look toward the back seat twice during the shooting, and that he does not accelerate and drive away until after Kennedy has been struck in the head.

This does not necessarily mean that Greer knew in advance what was going to happen or that he deliberately slowed the car.

The strongest argument against such a conclusion is, of course, that this kind of behavior would have placed Greer himself in mortal danger. Apart from the scenario described above regarding the slowing of the vehicle, it is more likely that Greer acted as he did because he was in shock.

It is also important to note that in his testimony before the Warren Commission, Greer, like several others, stated that two of the shots were fired almost simultaneously—something that would, of course, be impossible for a lone gunman.

More suspicious than Greer’s behavior, according to the author, was the conduct of Secret Service chief Emory Roberts.

Roberts served as the commanding officer of the agents in the follow-up car behind Kennedy’s limousine. In a well-known film clip, he can be seen at the beginning of the motorcade ordering the visibly surprised Secret Service agents Don Lawton and Henry Rybka away from Kennedy’s vehicle.

Curiously, Roberts and another Secret Service supervisor, Winston Lawson, stated in their initial reports that Rybka had been riding in the follow-up car, even though Rybka did not participate in the motorcade through Dealey Plaza.

During the motorcade, Emory Roberts sat in the front seat of the car behind the President’s limousine and handled radio communications. He and three special agents—McIntyre, Ready, and Bennett—were assigned to work in the presidential follow-up car throughout the trip.

In a letter from the Secret Service to the Warren Commission dated June 11, 1964, Roberts wrote that he had picked up the radio, announced that the President had been hit, and instructed the drivers to take them to the nearest hospital. Roberts also wrote that he signaled to the Vice President’s car to move closer and then shouted to McIntyre:

”They got him, they got him! You and Bennett take over Johnson as soon as we stop.”¹¹

This was despite the fact that Roberts could not have known at that moment whether the President was still alive, and despite the fact that Johnson was already protected by other security personnel.

It is also noteworthy that Roberts reportedly shouted ”they got him” rather than ”he got him,” a point the author connects to the question of how many shooters may have been involved.

Secret Service agent John Ready later stated that when the shots were fired in Dealey Plaza and he prepared to jump from the vehicle and run to the President’s aid, Roberts prevented him from doing so and ordered him to remain in his seat.

Roberts later attempted to explain this by claiming that the speed of the motorcade and the distance between the vehicles made effective protective action impossible. According to the author, however, this explanation is contradicted by Clint Hill’s actions—when he ran toward Jacqueline Kennedy—as well as by photographs, film footage, and eyewitness testimony.

Roberts had selected the following agents to ride in the follow-up vehicle: Sam Kinney (driver), Paul Landis, William McIntyre, George Hickey, Glen Bennett, John Ready, and Clint Hill.

Two agents sat in the front seat and two in the rear seat, while the remaining two stood on the exterior running boards on either side of the vehicle. All were armed with revolvers and rifles.

According to the author, only one of them (with the exception of driver Kinney) actually performed his duty that day: Clint Hill.

Abraham Bolden, an African American Secret Service agent who had worked for a time on the White House security detail, revealed in an interview that four of the agents whom he had heard say they would not act if Kennedy came under fire were riding in the follow-up car.

As if that were not troubling enough, several police officers who were supposed to help protect Kennedy were removed from the motorcade at the last minute.

In journalist Seth Kantor’s notes from the Warren Commission proceedings, it is stated that:

”On the night before November 22, it was decided to remove Fritz’s men, who had planned to ride in closed vehicles with machine guns behind the President.”

Sam Kinney, who drove the follow-up car and sat beside Roberts, later revealed that Roberts—who had also admitted that he immediately recognized the sounds as rifle shots—ordered his men not to move during the shooting.

Kinney believed that the assassination was the result of a conspiracy and that the route had been deliberately chosen through an area where it was known that there would be no agents stationed on the President’s car.

Robert Bouck, head of the Secret Service’s Protective Research Division in 1963, likewise testified before the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) that President Kennedy had been killed as the result of a conspiracy.¹²

Michael Delavante, The Assassination of President Kennedy – Part 2

Also read part 1

Sources:

  1. Evidence of Revision. The Assassinations of Kennedy and Oswald. Conspiratus Ubiquitus. Etymon Productions. Sisyphus Press, 2006. http://www.archive.org/details/Evidence_of_Revision_1

2. Evidence of Revision. The Assassinations of Kennedy and Oswald. Conspiratus Ubiquitus. Etymon Productions. Sisyphus Press, 2006. http://www.archive.org/details/Evidence_of_Revision_1

  1. Arthur M. Schlesinger, “Robert Kennedy and His Times”, First Mariner Books, edition 2002, (sidan 608)
  2. Arthur M. Schlesinger, “Robert Kennedy and His Times”, First Mariner Books, edition 2002, (sidan 608)
  3. David Talbot, “Brothers: The Hidden History of the Kennedy Years”, Free Press, 2007, (sidan 2)

6. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Robert_Kennedy_and_His_Times, First Mariner Books Edition, 2002, (sidan 260)

  1. The Kennedy Assassination: Was There a Conspiracy? By David Talbot & Vincent BugliosiThursday, Time Magazine, June 21, 2007

8. Michael Newton, The FBI Encyklopedia, McFarland & Company, 2003, (sidan 55) Se även: Joseph E. Green, Dissenting_Views, Xlibris Corporation, 2010, (sidan 24)

  1. 9. DID THE SECRET SERVICE LAY DOWN ON JFK ? Vince Palamara, Central Florida Post, December 16, 2013
  2. Vince Palamara, The Not-So-Secret Service: Agency Tales from FDR to the Kennedy Assassination to the Reagan Era”, Trine Day, 2017
  3. TrineDay: The Journey Podcast 16. Vince Palamara: Secret Service Expert, JFK Author: https://trinedaythejourneypodcast.buzzsprout.com/1284782/6475270
  4. Vince Palamara, Honest Answers about the Murder of President John F. Kennedy

2021, independent Publishers Group: https://www.google.se/books/edition/Honest_Answers_about_the_Murder_of_Presi/El0kEAAAQBAJ?hl=sv&gbpv=1&dq=Robert+Bouck+said+Kennedy+was+killed+in+a+conspiracy.&pg=PT113&printsec=frontcover

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