In 1835, the French author Alexis de Tocqueville published a work that is still debated within philosophy, sociology, and political science. Within a relatively short period, France had gone through the Revolution, the Empire, the Restoration, and King Louis Philippe’s bourgeois monarchy. When Tocqueville set out to study the political systems of other countries, he saw parallels between two states whose basic conditions and systems were entirely different:
“Both have grown up unnoticed, and while mankind’s attention was focused elsewhere, they have suddenly attained the most prominent place among nations.”
The countries he was referring to were, of course, Russia and the United States, which—unlike other states—had grown “with a rapidity and ease along a path that the human eye could not grasp.”¹
Tocqueville concluded his analysis with an impressively accurate observation:
Despite the fact that Russia’s and America’s points of departure and paths were so different, they seemed destined “one day to hold half the world’s fate in their hands.”² One hundred and ten years later, this almost prophetic vision had come true. For even though much of the real power still resided in London, the two superpowers that began to crystallize in the late 1940s would come to dominate the world—unfortunately at the cost of millions of people’s suffering and death.
Antony Sutton was an English professor of economics who, in 1968, was hired at Stanford University in California and became a researcher at the prestigious Hoover Institution. Through his position, Sutton gained access to the national archives, and when he examined them, he found documents showing that the United States had helped finance the communist revolution in Russia.³
According to Sutton, the American International Corporation (A.I.C.), with one of the founders of the Federal Reserve Banks, Frank Vanderlip, as its director, played an important role in this sponsorship. The official purpose of A.I.C. was to develop domestic and foreign enterprises, expand American activities abroad, and promote the interests of American and foreign banks, companies, and technology. A lesser-known purpose was to assist the communists.⁴ W. Lawrence Saunders, one of A.I.C.’s board members, even wrote a letter to President Wilson stating that he “sympathized with the rule of the Soviet government.”⁵
William Franklin Sands, executive secretary of A.I.C., contributed one million dollars to the Bolsheviks.⁶ The same was true of the first head of the Federal Reserve, William Boyce Thompson,⁷ a major shareholder in the Rockefeller-controlled Chase Bank and a colleague of J. P. Morgan. In a nine-point memorandum, Britain’s Prime Minister David Lloyd George was also urged to support the Bolshevik revolutionaries.⁸ Simpson, Thacher and Bartlett, one of the leading Wall Street firms, likewise supported the Bolsheviks.⁹ The purpose, Sutton explained, was to eliminate competition from Russia and to play out the Hegelian dialectic.
France’s ambassador to London between 1920 and 1924, Comte de St. Aulaire, recounted in his memoirs a dinner conversation he attended shortly after the First World War. One of the guests was the influential banker Otto Kahn, a colleague of Jacob Schiff at the American investment bank Kuhn, Loeb & Co. During the dinner, Kahn was asked why bankers supported Bolshevism in Russia, since it was a system that clearly opposed the private ownership championed by capitalists.
Kahn replied:
“You say that Marxism is the very opposite of capitalism, which is as sacred to us as anything can be. It is precisely because they are direct opposites that these two poles of the planet are placed in our hands and allow us to be its axis. These two opponents—Bolshevism and ourselves—find their identity in the International. These opposites … meet again through the identity of their purpose and end in the transformation of the world through control of wealth from above and revolution from below.”¹⁰
The historian and author Charles L. Mee Jr., editor of Horizon Magazine, described the early stages of the Cold War in his book Meeting at Potsdam. In an article in American Heritage in 1977, Mee made a very interesting revelation:
“On February 27, 1947, President Truman held a meeting at the White House with congressional leaders.
Secretary of State Dean Acheson was present, and Truman had him tell the congressional leaders what was at stake.
‘Nothing less than the survival of the entire Western civilization!’”¹¹
Note that this statement was made by Secretary of State Acheson two years before the Soviet Union conducted its first nuclear test in August 1949.
Mee continues:
“The congressmen were silent for a moment. Then Senator Arthur Vandenberg, a prominent Republican from Michigan who had come to support an active foreign policy, spoke up and exclaimed:
‘If the President wants to sell this to the American people, he’s going to have to scare the hell out of them!’”¹¹
Mee explains:
“It was at this moment that the Cold War, in reality, began.”¹²
Stalin later said:
“Atomic weapons are meant to frighten people with weak nerves.”¹³
With the threat of an external enemy, Stalin and the Soviet elite could maintain their power and continue to live well while the Russian people lived in poverty and oppression. According to the same principle, the elite in the United States and Great Britain could exercise their power and continue to earn enormous sums from the grotesque expenditures that, through bankers’ loans, financed the war industry.
While Stalin silenced opponents through an extremely brutal campaign of persecution and an informant system, the West (especially the United States and Great Britain) used a more refined method: people were given an illusion of participation through elections in which they could vote for whichever candidate the real power elite considered most suitable to market their agenda.
In the book The Making of the Cold War Enemy: Culture and Politics in the Military,¹⁵ Professor Ron Theodore Robin described how academics often develop an almost pathological trust in the historical narratives of military leaders and governments, and how they helped create the Cold War. Through sophisticated indoctrination, the masses were drilled to accept more surveillance, greater restrictions on personal freedom, and even war.
In the book Calculated Risk, General Mark Clark, who took part in the ground assault on Germany, made a very important revelation: on their way toward southern Germany—the weakest point—the Allies received orders to halt. Instead of advancing with full force and taking control of the country, troops were withdrawn and dispersed, delaying the invasion so that the Russians had time to advance and take over eastern Germany.
General Mark Clark wrote:
“This decision was taken at a high level for reasons beyond my comprehension.”¹⁶
In the book Final Warning – A History of the New World Order, the author David Allen Rivera described how CFR member and U.S. General George Marshall was sent to China after the Second World War to meet with leader Chiang Kai-shek and urged him to give the communists representation in the government and to form a coalition with the nationalists (the Kuomintang), since the Russians supposedly had no influence over the Chinese communists.
Harry Dexter White and Owen Lattimore, senior officials at the U.S. State Department, even ensured that documents were falsified to make the Chinese communists appear as peasants working for land reform. The Saturday Evening Post published as many as 60 articles portraying the Chinese communists and Mao as “land reformers,” and Chiang Kai-shek as a corrupt dictator.
Chiang Kai-shek, however, refused to allow the communists any influence over the government. As a result, Marshall recommended that all American aid be cut off and an embargo imposed. This meant there was no fuel for Chinese tanks and aircraft and no ammunition for weapons. The Soviet Union supplied the Chinese communists with military equipment seized during the war against Japan and also allocated some matériel it had received from the Americans through lend-lease.
Soon, Mao began his final preparations to take over the government. In 1948, the U.S. Congress voted to grant China aid amounting to 128 million dollars—but payment was delayed until after Chiang Kai-shek had been defeated by the communists.
During the Korean War, North Korea was assisted tactically by the Russians and militarily by the Chinese. General MacArthur, an honest man, wrote a letter that was read aloud in Congress describing how the Chinese poured across the Korean border and stating that there was no substitute for victory.
“The war against communism,” said MacArthur, “will either be won or lost in Korea.”¹⁷
After that statement, General MacArthur was relieved of his command and replaced by General Matthew B. Ridgeway, a member of the CFR.
General MacArthur later wrote:
“I am concerned for the security of our great nation, not so much because of threats from outside, but because of the insidious forces operating within the country.”¹⁸
A man of equal integrity, General George Edward Stratemeyer, later testified before Congress:
“One goes into a war to win; one does not go into it to stand still and lose—but we were not allowed to win it. It was not permitted.”¹⁹
In his book Survival Is Not Enough: Soviet Realities and America’s Future, the Polish historian Professor Richard Pipes of Harvard University revealed how Soviet technology and industry were largely built with the help of companies from the West. Pipes explained how the enormous automotive industry in Tatarstan was built by the Pullman-Swindell Company of Pittsburgh, that the Soviet merchant fleet was built by foreign shipyards, and that the Bryant Chucking Grinder Company of Springfield sold ball bearings that made it possible to launch Soviet nuclear missiles.
In Major George Racey Jordan’s sensational book From Major Jordan’s Diaries, he revealed how Americans supplied the Soviet Union with uranium, thorium, cobalt, cadmium, and data on the atomic bomb.
Averell Harriman, Roosevelt’s envoy to Europe, recounted a conversation between Eric Johnson, president of the United States Chamber of Commerce, and the Soviet leader, in which Stalin said:
“Two-thirds of Soviet industry has been built with the help of the United States and with American technology.”²⁰
We can thus conclude that the Soviet Union was supplied with both military and industrial technology by the country regarded as its greatest enemy.
When the Hungarians revolted against their Soviet oppressors in 1956 and the Russians withdrew, the U.S. State Department sent a telegram to the Russians.
The telegram, from the U.S. Congressional Record, August 31, 1960, reads as follows and should almost by itself suffice as proof that the “Cold War” was a sham:
“The United States does not look favorably upon regimes hostile to the Soviet Union along Russia’s borders.”²¹
A few hours after receiving the telegram on November 4, 1956, the Russians stormed back into Hungary and retook power.
Harold Pease, a professor of history at Palo Verde College in California, wrote the following in a highly revealing article titled The Communist–Capitalist Alliance:
“We who teach political science at the university level find ourselves seriously handicapped by the lack of textbooks and careful historical research on one of the most important phenomena of our time, namely, the incredible alliance between the leaders of communist movements around the world and the leaders of some of the most powerful banks and corporations in Europe and America.”²²
Professor Pease continues:
“That such an alliance should exist at all came as an intellectual shock to me. It seemed irrational—an ideological contradiction and a conflict of interest. Nevertheless, the more I investigated the matter, the more convinced I became that the alliance is not only a reality, but that it also constitutes the Gordian knot* that must be untied before we can solve some of the world’s greatest problems.”²³
In one of the most sensational books ever written, Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time (1966), Bill Clinton’s mentor, Professor Carroll Quigley, wrote:
“For decades there has existed an international network which operates in much the same way as the radical right believes the communists do. In fact, this network—a kind of Round Table group—has no aversion to cooperating with the communists or any other group, and frequently does so. I know of its operations because I have studied it for twenty years, and for two years in the early 1960s I was allowed access to its documents and secret archives.”²⁴
The Russian Nobel laureate Alexander Solzhenitsyn revealed the following:
“The great capitalists and the United States assisted Lenin during the first years of the revolution, and since then we have seen continued strong support for Soviet communist leaders from businessmen in the West.”²⁵
The Egyptian historian and author Professor Donald Sassoon, a close friend of the Rothschilds, writes in his book One Hundred Years of Socialism (2002) that socialism was created in the midst of the workers’ struggle by capital, not by the workers. Donald Sassoon also shows how socialism and capitalism have been closely intertwined throughout the twentieth century.
If you have an enemy (communism) that claims to be the total opposite of yours (capitalism) and whose goal is to eradicate you, is it logical that you would supply this enemy with material and assistance that facilitate its objectives?
According to all the laws of logic, the answer should be no—but this is precisely what the United States and the West have done throughout the entire twentieth century.
Those who still doubt, but who truly want to know, need only consult the sources listed below.
*The world organization Roosevelt referred to in the conversation with Stalin was the United Nations.
*The Gordian knot refers to the legend of a knot in the temple of Gordium that was so complex that no one could untie it. According to prophecy, whoever untied the knot would become ruler of Asia. Alexander the Great succeeded by cutting it apart with his sword.
Michael Delavante, The cold war behind the scenes
Sources:
1. Alexis de Tocqueville, “Democracy in America: Volume One and Two”, Pennsylvania State University, 2002. (page 485)
2. Alexis de Tocqueville, “Democracy in America: Volume One and Two”, Pennsylvania State University, 2002. (page 485)
3. Antony Sutton, “Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution,” Crown Publishing Group, 1974. See also: Congressional Record: Proceedings and Debates of the 92d Congress, Volume 118, Part 20, United States. Congress, U.S. Government Printing Office, 1972, (page 26143) Se även: Professor Antony Sutton with Dr. Stan Monteith, Radio Liberty, July 29th, 1999.
4.Antony Sutton, “Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution”, Crown Publishing Group, 1974, (page 134-135)
5. Antony Sutton, “Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution,” Crown Publishing Group, 1974, (p.170) Se also: James Perloff, “The Shadows of Power: The Council on Foreign Relations and the American Decline,” Western Islands, 1988, (page 40)
6. Neil V. Salzman, ”Reform and Revolution: The Life and Times of Raymond Robins,” Kent State University Press, 1991, (page 214)
7.Antony Sutton, “Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution”, Crown Publishing Group, 1974, (page 75-76, 95, 122, 133)
8. Antony Sutton on ”Left” versus ”Right” and the Hegelian dialectic in American politics, Anthony Sutton, Prisonplanet, July 9 2003. Se also: Professor Antony Sutton with Dr. Stan Monteith, Radio Liberty, July 29th, 1999.
9. Antony Sutton on ”Left” versus ”Right” and the Hegelian dialectic in American politics, Anthony Sutton, Prisonplanet, July 9 2003. Se also: Professor Antony Sutton with Dr. Stan Monteith, Radio Liberty, July 29th, 1999.
10. Comte de Saint-Aulaire, ”Geneva Versus Peace, ” Sheed & Ward, New York, 1937, (page 82)
(4) Charles Kegley, Shannon Blanton, “World Politics: Trend and Transformation, 2013 – 2014 Update Edition”, Cengage Learning; 14 edition, 2013,(page 98)
(5) David Dilks, ”The Diaries of Sir Alexander Cadogan, 1938-1945″,: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1972, (page 633)
(6) David Reynolds,”From World War to Cold War:Churchill, Roosevelt, and the International history of the 1940s”, OUP, Oxford, 2006, (page 343)
(7) Peter Grose, “Operation Rollback: America’s Secret War Behind the Iron Curtain”, Mariner Books, 2001) (page11)
(8) Winston S. Churchill , ”The Second World War, Volume 6: Triumph and Tragedy”, Houghton Mifflin; Reissue edition, 1986, (page 198)
(9) Winston S. Churchill , ”The Second World War, Volume 6: Triumph and Tragedy”, Houghton Mifflin; Reissue edition (9 May 1986) (page 198)
(10) Winston S. Churchill , ”The Second World War, Volume 6: Triumph and Tragedy”, Houghton Mifflin; Reissue edition (page 198)
(11) Winston S. Churchill , ”The Second World War, Volume 6: Triumph and Tragedy”, Houghton Mifflin; Reissue edition (page 198)
(12) Winston S. Churchill , ”The Second World War, Volume 6: Triumph and Tragedy”, Houghton Mifflin; Reissue edition (page 198)
(13) Remi A. Nadeau, ”http://books.google.se/books/about/Stalin_Churchill_and_Roosevelt_divide_Eu.html?hl=sv&id=neJmAAAAMAAJStalin, Churchill, and Roosevelt divide Europe”, Praeger, 1990, (page 65)
(14) Robert A. Pastor, ”Congress and the Politics of U.S. Foreign Economic Policy, 1929-1976”, University of Calofornia Press, 1982, (page 259)
(15) Robert A. Pastor, ”Congress and the Politics of U.S. Foreign Economic Policy, 1929-1976”, University of Calofornia Press, 1982, (page 259) Se även: Robert Mann, ”Wartime Dissent in America: A History and Anthology”, Pallgrace and MacMillian, 2010, (page 106)
(16) A Good Way To Pick A Fight, Charles L. Mee, Jr. August 1977, American Heritage, Volume 28, Issue 5.
(17) L. Fletcher Prouty, JFK, The CIA, Vietnam and the Plot to Assassinate John F. Kennedy, (xxiv)
(18) Robert S. McNamara, James Blight, Robert K. Brigham, Thomas J Biersteker, James Blight, Herbert Schandler, ”Argument Without End: In Search of Answers to the Vietnam Tragedy”, Public Affairs, 1999, (page 16)
(19) Archimedes L.A. Patti, ”Why Vietnam?: Prelude to America’s Albatross”, University of California Press, 1980, (page 389)
(20) Archimedes L.A. Patti, ”Why Vietnam?: Prelude to America’s Albatross”, University of California Press, 1980, (page 382)
(21) L. Fletcher Prouty, JFK, The CIA, Vietnam and the Plot to Assassinate John F. Kennedy, Skyhorse Publishing, 2011, (page xxiv)
(22) Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952–1954
Volume XIII, Part 1, Indochina (in two parts), Document 385. US Department of State. Office of the Historian. Se även: Department of State Bulletin, September 14, 1953, (page 339–342)
(23) Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952–1954
Volume XIII, Part 1, Indochina (in two parts), Document 385. US Department of State. Office of the Historian. Se även: Department of State Bulletin, September 14, 1953, (page 342)
(24) Stephen Kinzer, “The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War”, Times Books;
25. Congressional Record, 8, July, 1975, pp. 11951-11956.
1St Edition edition, 2013, See also: How Two Brothers Waged A ’Secret World War’ In The 1950s. NPR Books, September 29, 2013. Samt: Stephen Kinzer on The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allan Dulles & Their Secret World War. Massachusetts School of Law’s Program, Massachusetts School of Law’s Program. Samt: Stephen Kinzer, Author, ”The Brothers” –C-Span: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Mxw0B8wgoQU
(25) The Pentagon Papers, Gravel Edition , Volume 1, Chapter 2, ”U.S. Involvement in the Franco-Viet Minh War, 1950-1954”, Beacon Press, 1971, Section 2, (page 85)
(26) The Pentagon Papers, Gravel Edition , Volume 1, Chapter 2, ”U.S. Involvement in the Franco-Viet Minh War, 1950-1954”, Beacon Press, 1971, Section 2, (page 85)
(27) Alan Axelrod, ”The Real History of the Cold War: A New Look at the Past”, Sterling; 1 edition (2009) (page 58)
(28) Alan Axelrod, ”The Real History of the Cold War: A New Look at the Past”, Sterling; 1 edition (2009) (page 58)
(29) George Racey Jordan, ”From Major Jordan’s Diaries”, Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1952. (page 33)
(30) George Racey Jordan, ”From Major Jordan’s Diaries”, Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1952. (page 95)
(31) George Racey Jordan, ”From Major Jordan’s Diaries”, Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1952. (page 33)
(32) George Racey Jordan, ”From Major Jordan’s Diaries”, Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1952. (page 142)
(33) George Racey Jordan, ”From Major Jordan’s Diaries”, Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1952. (page 8)
(34) George Racey Jordan, ”From Major Jordan’s Diaries”, Harcourt, Brace, 1952. (page 9)
(35) George Racey Jordan, ”From Major Jordan’s Diaries”, Harcourt, Brace, 1952. (page 9 )
(36) George Racey Jordan, ”From Major Jordan’s Diaries”, Harcourt, Brace, 1952. (page 9 )
(37) George Racey Jordan, ”From Major Jordan’s Diaries”, Harcourt, Brace, 1952. (page 9)
(38) George H. Nash, ”Freedom Betrayed: Herbert Hoover’s Secret History of the Second World War and I´ts Aftermath ”, Hoover Institution Press; 1st edition ( 2011) (page 491)
Professor Antony Suttons ”Western Technology and Soviet Economic Development”:
http://www.mailstar.net/sutton.html
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Book: amazon.com
Professor Carroll Quigleys book ”Tragedy & Hope” free
Professor Donald Sassoons bio
